Saturday, January 18, 2014

Elaine Brown: Seize the Time (1969)

Elaine Brown: Seize the Time (1969)
Her album Seize the Time had its title borrowed by Bobby Seale for his book, and yet far from being strident militancy as you might expect, many of the songs were thoughtful and melodic. At the time Downbeat said of the album, "Miss Brown possesses a pleasant, Edith Piafish voice, and her songs (she wrote them all) are proudly delivered hymns to the black man. If there is a message here it is not one of hate".

The Dark Tree, Includes CD - Steve Isoardi - Hardcover - University of California Press

The Dark Tree, Includes CD - Steve Isoardi - Hardcover - University of California Press
While he was still in his twenties, Horace Tapscott gave up a successful career in Lionel Hampton’s band and returned to his home in Los Angeles to found the Pan Afrikan Peoples Arkestra, a community arts group that focused on providing affordable, community-oriented jazz and jazz training. Over the course of almost forty years, the Arkestra, together with the related Union of God’s Musicians and Artists Ascension (UGMAA) Foundation, were at the forefront of the vital community-based arts movements in black Los Angeles. Some three hundred artists—musicians, vocalists, poets, playwrights, painters, sculptors, and graphic artists—passed through these organizations, many ultimately remaining within the community and others moving on to achieve international fame. Based primarily on one hundred in-depth interviews with current and former participants, The Dark Tree is the first history of the important and largely overlooked community arts movement of African American Los Angeles. Brought to life by the passionate voices of the men and women who worked to make the arts integral to everyday community life, this engrossing book completes the account began in the highly acclaimed Central Avenue Sounds, which documented the secular music history of the first half of the twentieth century and which the San Francisco Examiner called “one of the best jazz books ever compiled.”

Wednesday, January 15, 2014

Urge Congress to Exonerate Civil Rights Leader Marcus Garvey

A message from the campaign to Urge Congress to Exonerate Civil Rights Leader Marcus Garvey Update #3 Urge President Obama to Exonerate Marcus Garvey Posted By: Geoffrey Philp (campaign leader) Sisters and Brothers, Happy New Year! After delivering over 10,000+ signatures to Representative Frederica Wilson, the Coalition for the Exoneration of Marcus Garvey is now focusing on the White House. If everyone who signed this petition signs the new petition to President Barack Obama, http://links.causes.com/s/clOoxG?r=bO2a we will reach our goal by the end of this week—seven months ahead of the deadline on August 17, 2014. Please sign and share. One Love, Geoffrey Philp The Coalition for the Exoneration of Marcus Garvey

A United States senator is questioning FERPA guidelines that he said could put student privacy at risk. Today Sen. Edward Markey (D-MA) said he'll introduce legislation in the coming weeks to protect students' sensitive information from commercial exploitation and from potential mishandling.At issue are changes to the U.S. Department of Education's guidelines to the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) issued in 2008 and 2011. Late last year, Markey requested clarification from ED on these changes, which in particular address the handling of student data by private contractors. ED responded in a letter (available as a PDF on senate.gov) this week justifying the changes and insisting that, while the protection of student data is paramount, there are legitimate cases in which schools must disclose student data without parental consent. (That letter is available as a PDF on senate.gov).

A United States senator is questioning FERPA guidelines that he said could put student privacy at risk. Today Sen. Edward Markey (D-MA) said he'll introduce legislation in the coming weeks to protect students' sensitive information from commercial exploitation and from potential mishandling.At issue are changes to the U.S. Department of Education's guidelines to the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) issued in 2008 and 2011. Late last year, Markey requested clarification from ED on these changes, which in particular address the handling of student data by private contractors. ED responded in a letter (available as a PDF on senate.gov) this week justifying the changes and insisting that, while the protection of student data is paramount, there are legitimate cases in which schools must disclose student data without parental consent. (That letter is available as a PDF on senate.gov).

2nd Annual Coastal Cultures Conference-Gullah/Geeche

2nd Annual Coastal Cultures Conference-Gullah/Geechee: Healin de Land an de Famlee GULLAH/GEECHEE NATION ♦ JANUARY 14, 2014 ♦ LEAVE A COMMENT Jayn we fa de 2nd Annual Coastal Cultures Conference Gullah/Geechee: Healin de Land an de Famlee Hunting Island Nature Center Hunting Island, SC Gullah/Geechee Nation March 14 & 15, 2014 The Coastal Cultures Conference is an interactive engagement conference on the Sea Islands of the Gullah/Geechee Nation. The presentations for the conference are done by native Gullah/Geechees and members of the Gullah/Geechee Sustainability Think Tank. The event takes place along the seashore of Hunting Island in Beaufort County, South Carolina in the Gullah/Geechee Nation. (The Hunting Island Nature Center is at the foot of the Fripp Island Bridge after passing the entrance to the beach.) The Coastal Cultures Conference will be hosted by Queen Quet, Chieftess of the Gullah/Geechee Nation (www.QueenQuet.com) and leaders of the Gullah/Geechee Nation. Friday, March 14, 2013 Noon-1 pm Welcoming Gullah/Geechee Luncheon with Queen Quet, Chieftess of the Gullah/Geechee Nation 1-2:30 pm Gullah/Geechee Land, Legacy & Sustainability 2:30-3 pm Wha dey Here pun Paradise Pier 3-4 pm Gullah/Geechee Documentary 4-5 pm Cultural Healing Circles of Connection in the Gullah/Geechee Nation Saturday, March 15, 2013 (Dress in comfortable clothing and walking shoes.) 10 am-Noon Gullah/Geechee Healin & Health Interactive Workshop Noon-1 pm Gullah/Geechee Lunch at the Paradise Pier 1-2:30 pm Climate Change and Culture on the Sea Islands 2:30-3:30 pm Continuing Gullah/Geechee Traditional Crafts 3:30-5 pm Oyster Shell Bagging for Reef Rebuilding Cum jayn we fa a weekend of healin pun de islands een de sea! Register for the conference and also become a member of the Gullah/Geechee Sea Island Coalition at https://www.eventbrite.com/e/coastal-cultures-conference-gullahgeechee-healin-de-land-an-de-famlee-tickets-10169157223 Disya sponsa by GOD GGNF Gullah/Geechee Nation www.gullahgeecheenation.com Gullah/Geechee Sea Island Coalition www.gullahgeechee.net Gullah Roots Productions Logo Nu Health Concepts www.nuhealthconcepts.com Gullah/Geechee Angel Network www.gullahgeecheeangelnetwork.com Gullah/Geechee Angel Network Hunting Island Nature Center http://huntingisland.com/nature_center.htm Share this: Twitter2 Facebook Email Pinterest Print Digg LinkedIn1 Google

The Gullah/Geechee Nation

The Gullah/Geechee Nation exist from Jacksonville, NC to Jacksonville, FL. It encompasses all of the Sea Islands and thirty to thirty-five miles inland to the St. John’s River. On these islands, people from numerous African ethnic groups linked with indigenous Americans and created the unique Gullah language and traditions from which later came “Geechee.” The Gullah/Geechee people have been considered “a nation within a nation” from the time of chattel enslavement in the United States until they officially became an internationally recognized nation on July 2, 2000. At the time of their declaration as a nation, they confirmed the election of their first “head pun de boddee”-head of state and official spokesperson and queen mother. They elected Queen Quet, Chieftess and Head-of-State for the Gullah/Geechee Nation (www.QueenQuet.com).The Gullah/Geechee Nation can be reached at Gullah/Geechee Nation Headquarters Post Office Box 1109 St. Helena Island SC 29920 (843) 838-1171 or email GullGeeCo@aol.com The Gullah/Geechee Nation Declaration states: Mission To preserve, protect, and promote our history, culture, language, and homeland and to institute and demand official recognition of the governance (minority) rights necessary to accomplish our mission to take care of our community through collective efforts which will provide a healthy environment, care for the well beings of each person, and economic empowerment. Goals As we are the authentic original Gullah/Geechee Nation with direct linkage to our ancestral legacy, we stand as custodians of Gullah/Geechee culture and protectors of our human rights. Henceforth, being the ONLY and TRUE keepers of the Gullah/ Geechee cultural legacy, upon us falls the responsibility to promote in an accurate and positive manner all aspects of Gullah/ Geechee culture by emanating knowledge and healing souls. This process is guided through the release of the full story of the foreparents of Gullah and Geechee ancestral souls and the wisdom of our elders. WE intend to protect the development and construction of Gullah/Geechee culture through the establishment of appropriate institutions and law by the exercise of our human rights. Presently this is being achieved through and during conferences, workshops, festivals, and other celebrations of culture and the continuation of oral traditions, living history, crafts, skills, and reconnection to the soil. The establishment of this Constitution will guarantee the continuation by the exercise of our minority right to self-determination. WE will link with organizations, other nations, and institutions that are contributing positively to the cultivation of our nation.insuring that those connections are carried out with dignity and honor. In the tradition of our foreparents we will record in written form OURSTORY as a living testament to our Gullah/Geechee legacy. We will also broaden our continuum through the use of electronic and video and audio means of documentation. Through the exercise of our human rights, we will be the keepers of this material as we accept the responsibilities of defining ourselves and our ancestors. WE will preserve, maintain, and reclaim ALL elements of our homeland which will FOREVER be our base of existence as we carry out these goals. With these goals in mind, Gullah/Geechee people take formal recognition of their nation and their human right to self-determination within the context of their minority governance rights, and thereby, the Gullah/Geechee Nation Wisdom Circle Council of Elders, by its hands, spirit and soul undertakes the task of creating and ratifying the first Constitution of the Gullah/Geechee Nation. ————————————————————————————————————————————- The Gullah/Geechee Nation Constitution is 21 pages long. It is the document of governing principles by which the Wisdom Circle Council of Elders and the Assembly of Representatives operated as the right and left hands of the Head-of-State. Official flag of the Gullah/Geechee Nation Queen Quet, Chieftess of the Gullah/Geechee Nation educates about the meaning of the national flag of the Gullah/Geechee Nation:

Queen Quet Defines Gullah/Geechee Nation Flag

Tuesday, January 14, 2014

Asian anti-Black racism at an embassy in Nigeria - Opinion - This Is Africa

Asian anti-Black racism at an embassy in Nigeria - Opinion - This Is Africa

Asian anti-Black racism at an embassy in Nigeria

by Cosmic Yoruba
The Africa cigarettes [660 x 300]
An example of Asian social tone-deafness and anti-black racism. Posters across South Korea featured monkeys declaring 'Africa is coming' as part of cigarette branding campaign. The tobacco firm responsible pulled the ads after it faced accusations of racism.

When relations really started booming between Africa and China, I was based in the UK and, as a result, had an outsider’s perspective on things. At home in Nigeria for a few weeks a year, I would constantly catch glimpses of the presence of China, and, as time moved on, of other Asian countries that didn't want to be left out.
I blogged about Asian-African social encounters - the Chinese chef flirting with the Nigerian waitress at this Chinese restaurant I frequented; my cousin's experience working in the Korean Cultural Centre; my other cousin's friend who is Malaysian Chinese and always trying to speak pidgin to her; my other other cousin (you know how it is with us Africans and cousins) who works with a Chinese construction company and testified that his bosses were always at clubs in the weekends trying to chat up Nigerian girls; my Igbo friend telling me about his Chinese neighbours in Equatorial Guinea whom he learnt Chinese from and taught a bit of Igbo to. But one thing I didn't blog about was how - despite these seeming positive stories - my people did not have good things to say about Asians. "Asians are greedy", "Those Chinese are so stingy", I heard it all including the horrid "ching chong" jokes. I spent hours lecturing people about how their views were wrong, and wondered at the Western influence on these anti-Asian and anti-Chinese remarks (I'm sure Nigerians did not come up with "ching chong" on their own).

Earlier this year I came to Nigeria with the intention of staying for a month or two, then heading to China. In that month, my mother saw a job advert for a position with the embassy of a certain Asian country (I shall not name names and remain vague for reasons of privacy). She thought I should send in an application, which I did. To my surprise I got called for an interview and got the job. I started almost immediately, and knew almost immediately, subconsciously, even though I'm only just admitting it, that not all was right. Still, it is considered good to work at an embassy, and as a graduate of international relations this was just in my field. In fact I had been queried about my dissertation on Africa-China relations during my interview. My friends thought the job was perfect for me because of my love and consumption of Asian media. I looked forward to enjoying the "international" environment. Yet one of the first things a Nigerian member of staff told me on my first day at work was "We are a family, you know these Asians never respect us. You can never trust them." She spoke in a mix of Yoruba and pidgin. I felt disconcerted. Not this again, when will I see the end of Nigerian anti-Asian behaviour? Little did I know that what would come to disturb me was not anything the Nigerian staff had to say but the way the Asian staff acted towards them.

When you read a news report about the dark side of Africa-Asia relations, you read with a degree of detachment, but to witness what’s being described is a different ball game. I have been at this embassy since March 2013, and since then I have witnessed the humiliation of Nigerians in their own country, ironically at the hands of Asians with whom we’re supposed to be in "win-win" partnership.

Lagos, Nigeria 2007 (Photo: Paolo Woods)

Anti-Black racism from Arabs is nothing new, but anti-Black racism from East and South-East Asians is not what most Nigerians expect. For an Asian to call us "monkeys" is beyond preposterous. For Asians to shout and yell at us, even to the point of physically assaulting a woman in her 40s is unbelievable. As you may be aware, Nigerians thrive on respect, as do Asians. Older people, Asian and African, command respect, yet to my non-Nigerian colleagues this does not translate across nationalities. I see that they have respect for each other, but literally zero, zilch, none, for older Nigerian staff. I know a bit of the language, so I can understand when they are insulting us in our presence, calling us "bastards." Just a few weeks ago, one of the younger staff (in her 20s) reported some Nigerian staff member (in their 40s) to the admin head for "disobeying" her. I was out of the office when I heard this news and was blown away by the sheer ridiculousness of it all. What does it mean to "disobey" someone? I was there when the incident that lead to this "disobedience" went down. The Asian lady colleague was rude as hell, snapping her fingers and banging on the table to get our intention when a simple "excuse me" would have done. And we are supposed to be working together. One question that often runs through my head these days is "would they do it to us if we were from their country?" I very much doubt it.

I spoke to another staff member about the incident (she hadn’t witnessed the incident) and the lady said, "You know, the problem is that they think they are white when they are just bloody Asians!" I cringed at the "bloody Asians" bit, and at her implicit assertion that only white people can get away with disrespecting Nigerians (when really no foreigner should get away with treating you like shit in your own country), but as I said above, Nigerians are generally not used to anti-Black racism from anyone who is not white or Arab. Despite my qualms, I can honestly agree that Asians here do act, or at least try to, act like white people. Essentially, they look down on Africans while viewing themselves as superior. How many pale-skinned people are walking around in African countries behaving like "masters”?

Working here has lifted a veil from my eyes and now I see more examples of Asians behaving badly in Nigeria, in the media, through friends and on my own. For example recently two Chinese men tried to rape a Nigerian woman (it is hard reading the comments at the end of that report). When my older Nigerian colleague was physically assaulted by one of the younger men at the embassy I work at, she could have gone to the media as well. The Chinese men who attempted rape will face the law, but this Asian man at my embassy won't. We were told he had lost his job but I just learned that he actually served out his contract before taking up another job with a heavy industries company in Port Harcourt. A case of my enemy doing well? Fortunately I can rest assured the dude will be beaten the hell up if he tries any shit in Port Harcourt. I won't even go into how this dude tried to date me (this was before he physically assaulted my colleague); I quickly realised that I was not been accorded the respect I deserve, especially from someone who claimed to "like" me. It ended before it began, but not before he tried to grope me in the office.

The few times I've gone out clubbing, I see more Asian men with white women than I should be seeing in an African country. Same at dinner places, Asians hanging out with the white folk. A friend and I took our Korean teacher out for a late lunch and she bluntly told us "The Koreans here don't like Nigerians at all. They think I'm strange for going out with you girls." A new friend of mine who aspires to work at an Asian embassy strongly believes that before leaving their respective countries for Nigeria their respective foreign affairs departments tell them that they are only in Nigeria to work, not to mix with the locals. I personally think it is the other way round, they come here and initially all is well, there are smiles, curiosity and then a few months down the line someone is shouting at you for not giving them your car keys and refusing to call you by name but preferring to bang on a table while shouting "Listen to me!".

President Goodluck Jonathan (of Nigeria) and President Xi Jinping of China. Are our leaders unaware of this issue or are they just being complacent?

When I told my mum all the sagas I've witnessed at this embassy, the first thing she asked was "Do they treat you like this as well?" Surprisingly the answer is no. Maybe it's my "global citizen" background, or the fact that I come from a wealthy family and my salary here doesn't mean much to me (Another theory the Nigerian staff have is that the initial respect they have for us initially held rapidly diminishes when they discover how little we are paid). The only person who has tried to bully me is the physical assault dude, and it was a really silly situation that seemed, to me, to have more to do with his wounded pride. I really wish he had tried to yell at me or put his hands on me like he did to my colleague. Unlike my colleague, who amazingly did nothing, I would have beaten him back. Still when I was new here, I became the one who got asked "Why do Nigerians always try to cheat us?", to which I responded "You know, not all Nigerians cheat; people from your country cheat Nigerians too". In other words I was now lecturing Asians about how not to be anti-Black, but I got tired of it pretty quickly. I now adopt a policy of no-smiles, and no greeting until I am greeted first. I don't care if I'm labelled rude and disrespectful but respect is mutual. I must add that this sort of behaviour is not coming from the older generation, but from the young ones. Those in their 20s and 30s.

I’ve been here for 10 months and I find that I'm exhausted emotionally and mentally. I detest coming to work and rubbing shoulders with those BlackInAsia calls "neo-colonial Asians", a term that I would not have been comfortable using before this year.  It has also become really hard for me (since I started working here) to enjoy media from this particular Asian country the way I used to. It took a reminder from Hateya (a friend who gives me advice) that these are poor representatives of their country for me to pause and take a breather. Yet something must be said because so many Asian countries are sending bad eggs to Nigeria, and I can imagine to other African countries as well. What does this mean for Blasian Bridges, to borrow a term from blogger Silver Tiger? What I keep seeing is the lack of kinship at best, and the dangerous idea that white people are better than Asians. We are not moving forward if Asians in African countries struggle to have the basic respect for Africans and adopt anti-Black attitudes towards us.

This article appeared originally on The Blasian Narrative and is reproduced here in edited form with the author’s permission.

The A to Z of things we cannot simply blame on apartheid (or did not expect in a democratic South Africa) – Part 2 - African Leadership - This Is Africa

The A to Z of things we cannot simply blame on apartheid (or did not expect in a democratic South Africa) – Part 2 - African Leadership - This Is Africa

The A to Z of things we cannot simply blame on apartheid (or did not expect in a democratic South Africa) – Part 2

by Mike van Graan
Hendrik Joggem, one of the Karretjie Mense
Hendrik Joggem, one of the Karretjie Mense, stands alongside his shack on Nov. 8, 2013, about 60km outside of Colesberg, South Africa (Photo credit: Conrad Bornman/Foto24/Gallo Images/Getty Images)

PART 1 HERE

N is for NKANDLA.  Even the apartheid authorities did not abuse public resources to renovate and refurbish the private residence of their most feared Presidents such as PW Botha, or certainly not on the scale of President Zuma’s private Nkandla compound.
Nkandla, Jacob Zuma’s residence, renovated with R215m ($20m USD) in public money

Never would we have believed that leaders in the struggle for the liberation of South Africans would, in a democratic South Africa, abuse public funds on this scale and so brazenly, even more so when there is still so much poverty in the land.  It is behaviour consistent not with a democratic government committed to the poor, but with the caricature of a dictatorship associated with the excesses of large scale corruption and theft.



O is for OPPOSITION and how the ruling alliance deals with it.  While apartheid had an array of censorial mechanisms to suppress information and thought that challenged the status quo, and while it co-opted the public broadcaster for propaganda purposes, our Constitution guarantees freedom of expression and freedom of the media.  The SABC is supposed to be a legally independent entity with a mandate to promote democracy by providing information and airtime from a range of voices within society. Progressives would have expected our work-in-progress democracy to mature through rational and robust public debate around our key challenges, and with a ruling party that (given its overwhelming parliamentary majorities at national and most provincial levels) would be secure and confident enough to engage on these terms.   While we have such public discourse, from Mbeki’s time as President, we have seen increasingly anti-democratic tendencies on the part of the ruling alliance in dealing with opposition, ranging from smearing critics as racists, counter-revolutionaries or agents of western imperialism, intimidating critics with threats of court action, arresting journalists on spurious grounds, preventing opposition parties from exercising their democratic rights (which the ruling alliance would never tolerate if it were in the position of the opposition) e.g. preventing the DA’s marches on Nkandla and COSATU House and preventing Julius Malema and the EFF from hosting rallies at some institutions, the killings of protestors such asAndries Tatane and the Marikana miners.  Then there’s the Protection of Information Act which may be used to suppress the exposure of corruption and the SABC has again being bludgeoned and co-opted for ruling party propaganda and imaging purposes.  Institutional democracy (parliament and constitutional bodies) has steadily been undermined while the above kinds of anti-democratic tendencies are intended to suppress dissent, criticism and opposition, further undermining our nascent democracy.

P is for POVERTY.  The Diagnostic Study of the National Planning Commission states that in 1995, 53% of our population lived in poverty using the international benchmark of $2 per day (R524 per month at that time).  The bottom 40% of our population accounts for about 7% of national income.  The number of people living below the poverty line declined to 48% in 2008, only because of government grants, rather than because of job creation and income-generation.  While poverty among black African people – in rural areas in particular – is inherited from apartheid, progressives would have expected that within the first twenty years of democracy, eliminating poverty would have had a much greater practical – rather than rhetorical – focus for a “developmental state”.  There appears to be lack of vision, ideas and political will in dealing with this most important challenge, particularly when one considers the effort and expenditure on projects serving the elite.

Feet of the Karretjie Mense on Nov. 8, 2013, about 60km outside of Colesberg, South Africa. (Photo credit: Conrad Bornman/Foto24/Gallo Images/Getty Images. Source: HuffPost)

Q is for the QUACK science of Thabo Mbeki and the collective ANC leadership at the time who were directly responsible for the premature deaths of hundreds of thousands of mainly black African South Africans, the transmission of HIV from mothers to babies, and the orphaning of more than one million children because of their refusal to provide life-saving drugs.  We would never have expected that a post-apartheid government would be responsible for the decline in life expectancy from 62 in the dying days of apartheid to 50 at the height of the AIDS pandemic.  Should the apartheid government have been responsible for this, there would have been demands for them to be tried for crimes against humanity, for their genocide-by-wilful-omission in which an average of 1,000 South Africans perished each day, despite life-saving drugs being available, and cheap.  Simply unforgiveable!

R is for RACISM and the Rainbow Nation.  With apartheid’s divisions as the backdrop, the desire for a “rainbow nation” in which people of all colours feel part of society is understandable.  But the rainbow nation does not exist.  It never has- except in television commercials, at a few major sports events, in some church services and for a multi-racial elite who use English as a language of communication and who share some social spaces.  Poverty and inequality (and their impacts on education, social mobility, employment, etc) exclude the vast majority – mainly black Africans – from the “rainbow nation” myth.  It’s not a new insight, but given our increasing class-based inequalities, it is more appropriate to speak of two nations co-existing in the same space: an elite that exists under the rainbow, and the majority who eke out their existence under a black cloud – a “rainbow” elite and a “black cloud” majority.

The Planning Commission’s Diagnostic Study states that one of the nine key challenges facing the country is our continued racial division, and while this is true, the major divide is increasingly between those who have (resources, good education, education, jobs, networks, collateral, medical aid, etc) and those who do not have these.

Given our apartheid history and the dehumanization of black African people on the one hand and the superiority of white people on the other, we would be naïve to expect (white to black) racism to have disappeared after twenty years of a democratic South Africa.  Against this backdrop, we need to confront the uncomfortable post-1994 phenomena that have reinforced such racism and apartheid era stereotypes e.g. the deployment of black African people to positions of leadership and responsibility when they often did not have the requisite skills, experience and support structures so that when they have failed, racists would attribute it to black stupidity, or the widespread corruption within government that provokes the snide “this is Africa” remarks, or violent crime (in which black African people are statistically the primary victims and perpetrators) makes white people retreat into secure, gated communities like micro Group Areas of our apartheid past. 

Rather than rigorous analysis and issue-oriented debate, our political discourse is poisoned by superficial, easy race-speak and cry-wolf accusations of racism to counter legitimate criticism, all of which do not help to identify and deal with real issues of racism.  Ironically, it is more possible now for the former leaders of the National Party responsible for apartheid’s atrocities as well as the elites of the former bantustans to be accommodated within the ruling party than it is for the ruling alliance to accept legitimate and constructive criticism on its own terms – rather than dismissing it defensively through the convenient and expedient prism of race – from some of its former progressive allies in the struggle against apartheid.

The genius of Nelson Mandela was not to create a false, non-existent “Rainbow Nation”, but rather – after centuries of oppression, racial division and white minority rule, to create the conditions and atmosphere in which those who had ruled in fear, in arrogance and with racist beliefs could remain active contributors to building a society (rather than be obstacles to or to actively undermine the post-apartheid project), and to do this under the leadership of a black government.   The potential goodwill from that time was largely squandered and the Mandela-esque conditions were wiped out by Thabo Mbeki’s presidency when he adopted a more chauvinist, Africanist approach.  Some would argue that under Zuma, it’s gone a step further with people mainly from KwaZulu Natal and from his Zulu-speaking community now occupying some of the main positions of political and government influence.

The perception of the ANC’s non-racial ethos having all but disappeared is reinforced when NGOs (many in which the non-racial ethic still applies in practice, with progressives from “minority population groups” contributing their skills under the leadership of black Africans) have their advocacy and work on behalf of the poor and marginalized in particular sectors dismissed by ANC leaders as entities run by white puppet masters.  So, while white-against-black racism prevails as a spillover from the apartheid era, post-1994 phenomena have sometimes reinforced such racism while many progressives – who would be more than eager to contribute to meeting the challenges of the country under the leadership of a black African government – have been alienated from the ruling party by its increasing chauvinism and race double-speak.



S is for the SPEAR. Never has an artwork generated more controversy, more division, more debate and more exposure of some of the country’s key faultlines than Brett Murray’s painting of President Zuma in Lenin-like pose and with exposed genitals symbolizing power and potential abuse of power.  The painting was part of an exhibition, Hail to the Thief II, in which a variety of art works by the artist bitingly satirized the corruption, nepotism and the selling out of the liberation ideals of the ANC.  Murray, a conscientious objector and an artist who had engaged actively in anti-apartheid struggle was demonized as a racist; the Goodman Gallery where the work was shown was intimidated by marches and by the Minister of Higher Education calling for the work to be destroyed, and the artist’s (black African) assistant received threats of physical violence (a church minister also called for Murray to be stoned).   All of this political outrage created the conditions in which two men defaced the work.

The prescience of the artwork has now been affirmed as the massive public expenditure on the Nkandla compound represents little more than the rape of the public purse by President Zuma.

In the light of apartheid’s censorship – including outright banning – of numerous art works, progressives would have expected a democratic government to defend and protect the right to freedom of creative expression guaranteed in the Constitution; in fact, quite the opposite happened.  The charge for the destruction of the work was led by those required to uphold the Constitution, just as it is they who now defend Nkandla and condemn the booing of the President.

A visitor to the Goodman Gallery in Johannesburg holds his hat over the exposed parts of President Jacob Zuma in a painting "The Spear" by artist Brett Murray. (Image by: Kevin Sutherland. Source: Times LIVE)

T is for TRANSFORMATION.  That our society needed fundamental transformation from our apartheid past is to state the obvious.  Morally and politically it was necessary to transform all state and publicly funded institutions and even private companies better to reflect the demographics of the country and to reverse and correct the impact of job reservation of the apartheid era.  But not only was it necessary simply to change the demographics, it was also believed that in so doing, black people leading such institutions (particularly those aligned to the ruling party and so could be trusted), would be more committed – than white people – to deliver services to, and to look after the best interests of black African people who were most in need of such service delivery.

Ironically though, while we have done exceedingly well in facilitating the demographic transformation of instruments of the state, it is this very – more superficial – transformation that has often compromised or militated against the substantial transformation required as in many cases, people in leadership and strategic positions of power did not have the requisite expertise and/or experience to deliver on their institutional mandates.  This is reflected for example in last year’s report of the Auditor General into municipal government with only 9 of 278 municipal governments receiving clean audits, consistent with the 5% of the previous two years.   Proper training and support have not been provided as part of the demographic transformation of management processes, or at least not at the same levels as for example, the training of black African pilots or of Tito Mboweni’s 18 month tutelage before he took the reigns as Governor of the Reserve Bank.  As a consequence, delivery has either not taken place, or has been implemented unevenly to the disadvantage of mainly the poor, black African majority, or consultants have had to be hired to do the work with taxpayers thus having to pay double for the work to be done.

Furthermore, the widespread corruption in government administration at local, provincial and national government shows that appointing black people to serve black people does not necessarily result in better, or more empathetic service delivery.  

So, while change –or transformation – cannot be expected to happen overnight, it can be argued that the manner in which we have gone about effecting transformation (ignoring or discarding highly skilled and experienced people from “minority population groups” and not providing the necessary training and support to those appointed to leadership positions as part of the demographic transformation of state institutions) has effectively compromised, prevented or put back substantial transformation of the lives of many South Africans on the underside of history.

U is for UNEMPLOYMENT that officially stands at around 25%.  Should the broader unemployment definition be applied i.e. economically active people without a job and who have given up looking for work, unemployment would be closer to 35%-40%.  Notwithstanding the white noise about affirmative action and equity legislation on white unemployment, we would never have expected that so many black people would lose their jobs and that unemployment among black Africans would spike after the demise of apartheid.  We are constantly told that our macro-economic policies and the fundamentals of our economy are sound.  It would appear though that the host of macro-economic policy measures that we have taken and that have endeared us to key western economic planners have resulted in mass job losses and rising unemployment, and we have yet – numerous conferences, plans and rhetoric notwithstanding – not been able effectively to deal with this key and fundamental challenge.



V is for VANITY.  After our relatively smooth transition to democracy and with Nelson Mandela as the country’s first President, we became the darling of the world.  Such attention made us seek to “punch above our weight”, to be a global leader, to “play with the big boys”.  We wanted to lead the African Renaissance.  We wanted to change the UN and/or have a permanent seat on the Security Council.  We wanted to host international events.  We were, after all, the country with the largest African economy.  We were the poster child for African democracy.  And so we expended energy and massive resources on vanity projects like the FIFA World Cup and the elite-serving Gautrain. And we made rude remarks about other African countries because we believe that we are better than them.  While we strut the world and African stages, in our own backyard are millions of people who live in conditions comparable to some of the worst African countries in terms of human development indicators regarding literacy, health, life expectancy, income, etc.  The FIFA world cup has left us with “enjoy now, pay later” blues with expensive stadiums and roads to be paid for via e-tolls (and then there’s the corruption of colluding construction companies).  It would appear that the vanity of our political elite has steered our “development” path over the first twenty years of our democracy more than the needs of the majority.



W is for WOMEN.  The emancipation of women from their triple oppression (sex, race and class) was always viewed in the struggle against apartheid as one of the key goals of that struggle.  Thanks to the policies of the ruling party, there are now many more women (black African in particular) active and in senior positions in politics, in public institutions, in education as well as in the private sector.   However, women – of all classes and colour, but black African in particular – continue to face massive violence within a patriarchal culture.  It is estimated that more than 200,000 women are assaulted each year and that a woman is killed by an intimate partner on average, every 8 hours, one of the highest such rates in the world.  More than 66,000 rapes were reported in 2012 of which only 4,500 resulted in convictions (rapes and domestic violence are under-reported).  The “corrective rape” of black lesbians has become too common a crime.  But it is among poor black African women that the struggle for emancipation from their triple oppression continues, for it is they that bear the brunt of unemployment, of HIV-infection, of poverty and of gender-based violence in post-apartheid South Africa.

"Crime Scene #4" by photographer, activist and teacher Zanele Muholi, who is committed to documenting and making visible the lives of, and the violence against, LGTBI (Lesbian, Gay, Transgender, Bisexual, Intersex) people in South Africa. (Photo: Antoine Tempe)

X is for XENOPHOBIA.  The killing of Africans from other countries, the constant refrain that people from other parts of Africa are taking local jobs – this form of racism was not anticipated in a democratic South Africa.  (It is strange that “they-are-taking-our-jobs” xenophobia is not directed against immigrants from Europe or Latin America or Asia).   (That Africans from other countries are appointed to work positions in South Africa is a further indictment of our country’s education system and a humbling lesson that we could learn from the education systems of other African countries).  Mbeki’s denialism at the height of xenophobic violence (he attributed it to basic criminality, probably because it was too difficult to accept that in the pursuit of the African renaissance, Africans could kill each other).  Just as the apartheid authorities stopped black Africans to demand to see their passbooks, so police in our democratic state stop people with a darker-than-normal-South-African-dark complexion suspecting them of being illegal immigrants.  This has led even to South Africans being held as illegal immigrants with the son of Tito Mboweni most recently suffering this abuse.  We would not have expected this in a democratic South Africa, and neither would we have dreamt that a privatized “repatriation centre” such as Lindela, with senior ANC politicians among its owners, making profits from the misery of other Africans! 

South African policemen attend to Mozambican immigrant Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuave who was set on fire in Reiger Park during xenophobic clashes that shook the whole of Johannesburg on May 18, 2008 (Photo: Jon Hrusa)

Y is for YOUTH. The youth generation of 1976 is honoured with a public holiday on June 16 for the role they played in contributing to the transformation of our society: standing up to the apartheid authorities, helping to internationalize the anti-apartheid struggle, catalyzing the birth of anti-apartheid organisations and giving impetus to internal resistance, swelling the ranks of guerrilla movements, and producing a generation of leaders both for internal and external leadership.  Many of that generation are now in government or in business positions and it would have been expected that they would create conditions to benefit this key sector of our population.    

More than two-thirds of our population is under 35, with the 15-34 cohort constituting 38% of our national population (with a further 30% under the age of 15).

In excess of 70% of unemployed South Africans are under the age of 35.  Thousands of homes are run by teenagers because of the loss of their parents through AIDS.  Teenage pregnancy, alcoholism, drug abuse and suicide are too prevalent among our young people.  HIV infection in South African youth is among the highest in the world.

The ruling party has largely failed to address the basic aspirations and challenges of our youthful population and resentment within this cohort is reflected in the growth of the Economic Freedom Fighters.

Z is for ZIMBABWE. (It could be for Zuma, but even though this article has not explored his conservative comments on women and gay people, more than enough has been said about him to confirm his disappointment as an advocate and leader of a post-apartheid, progressive agenda in pursuit of social justice).  South Africa’s support for the Mugabe regime despite its poor human rights record is best illustrated by the Mbeki-commissioned report into the 2002 Zimbabwean elections, which has never been released despite the Mail and Guardian obtaining a court order for the report to be released.  Judge Joseph Raulinga who had seen the report, ruled that it was in the public interest to have the report – which he said contained sufficient evidence of the illegality of that election – released.  However, the SA government has continued to resist handing over the report using the court appeal process to do so.  This complicity in human rights and anti-democratic abuses in Zimbabwe reflects South Africa’s poor record in opposing United Nations resolutions in support of victims of human rights abuses in Burma, Belarus, Iran and North Korea, a shameful record for a democratic state allegedly committed to fundamental human rights and freedoms, but where – as with other western democracies – such rights are made subject to other geo-political and economic interests.

Conclusion

It is clearly true that given the length of colonial and apartheid rule and its infusion into every aspect of our social, political, economic, psychological and cultural lives, its legacies will be with us for some time.  While some of these legacies cannot be changed overnight, it is also true that there is much for which a democratic South Africa – and the ruling authorities in particular – are themselves responsible, and which are not only inconsistent with, but the very antithesis of a progressive agenda that seeks to build a just, equitable, safe and humane society.

There are some things that have changed “overnight” though and these include:

- the lifestyles and bank balances of a minority of individuals who are politicians or highly connected to the ruling party; some have become obscenely wealthy in a very short space of time, much more wealthy than most who were beneficiaries of the apartheid system for a significantly longer period
- the image of the ruling party has changed from one associated first and foremost with the promises of the Freedom of Charter (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_Charter) to one increasingly associated with corruption, nepotism, factionalism and with serving an elitist rather than a “better life for all” agenda
- the hundreds of thousands of South Africans who lost their jobs after the demise of apartheid and who have been unable to find sustainable work since and
- the hundreds of thousands who expected to live in a better South Africa but whose lives were cut short by AIDS and government’s denialist approach to the pandemic, by violent crime, in police custody, through political assassination, etc.

The combination of the recent death of Madiba, the values that he stood for and the leadership he provided together with this, the twentieth anniversary of the attainment of our democracy, provide the impetus for serious reflection on where we are, and what must be done to alter our current course that has created not a rainbow nation, but a coexisting “rainbow elite” and a “black cloud majority”, a tension that is unsustainable and the source of current and future conflicts.

Mike van Graan is one of South Africa's most prolific - and critically acclaimed – playwrights, as well as a cultural policy activist. He is the Executive Director of the African Arts Institute and is the former Secretary General of the Arterial Network, a continent-wide network engaged in the African creative sector. He currently serves as a UNESCO Technical Expert on the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.  His plays include Die Generaal (The Generaal), winner of the Fleur du Cap Best New Script Award 2008; Brothers in Blood, a Market Theatre production that won the Naledi Theatre Award for Best New Play 2009, and Iago’s Last Dance which premiered on the Main Programme at the National Arts Festival and was nominated in the Fleur du Cap Best New Script category, 2009.

This article appeared originally on the author’s blog and is reproduced here with his permission

Afrobeat and Whiteness - A Tale of Entitlement - Music - This Is Africa

Afrobeat and Whiteness - A Tale of Entitlement - Music - This Is Africa

Afrobeat and Whiteness - A Tale of Entitlement

by Atane Ofiaja
Shokazoba [660 x 300]
Back in 2004, I remember strolling by a now closed Williamsburg venue called Zebulon. It was afrobeat night or something to that effect. I just had dinner with my girlfriend at the time, the night was young and we were out walking. Afrobeat was right up our alley, so we decided to check it out. The first thing you need to keep in mind is that this was nine years ago. Now, that might not be the olden days, but in terms of the proliferation of afrobeat bands and the state of the afrobeat landscape today, everything was completely different. Apart fromAntibalas, there weren’t many afrobeat bands making waves back then, and the few bands that existed weren’t well known, or anything to write home about either. I still think most of them aren’t anything to write home about, but that’s a story for another day. This was several years before the Fela musical as well, so afrobeat wasn’t the hot commodity that it is today. For the most part, you either had to be an African, or one of those “world music” connoisseurs to be heavily into this kind of music.
Whenever I heard the term ‘afrobeat’, I automatically envisioned Africans getting down, and this was what I expected before walking into Zebulon. It was always this way in my world. A Naija party was not a Naija party without some Fela. I remember the area boys in Port Harcourt, blasting Fela as you walked through the market. Your parents warned you not to be like them, but how could you not want to be like them? Those guys were cool. They did as they pleased, and they smoked igbo [Indian hemp]. I didn’t even know what igbo was at the time. I was so naïve; I thought they smoked the ashes of dead Igbo people. In a macabre way, this nonsensical notion made them even more interesting to me.

When it wasn’t party music, or music that people who were considered “riff raff” listened to, then it was political. You had the non-bourgeois intellectuals who enjoyed Fela as well.  The music was accompanied by deep political talk. Growing up, I saw adults discussing politics. They would have their Gulder, 33, and Harp beers, along with kola nuts while discussing serious politics. How I longed to have a sip of Gulder, while chewing on kola nuts and discussing politics. I couldn’t wait to be an adult so I could do just that. This was par for the course when these people listened to Fela’s music. Shagari did this, Babaginda did that, Abacha was a yeye man – this is what I commonly heard. I soaked up a lot just by eavesdropping. You see, Fela’s music demanded a lot from the listener, and for the politically inclined this meant heavy political discourse. You had to be a dedicated person to listen to songs that were up to 30 minutes in some cases. There is nothing casual about a person who listens to a song of that length. This was the context from which I came, and I expected to see a lot of Nigerians and fellow Africans inside the venue, either dancing or discussing politics over some beer. Now, I’m not saying that my context and relationship with the music is the only valid one, and that everyone else’s is invalid. I don’t believe that at all, and expecting everyone to have the same experiences I had is foolish. I’m simply looking at things from my point of view, the point of view of a Nigerian man who knows a thing or two about this music.

Once we stepped inside Zebulon, our expectations were quickly dashed. Holy mackerel! We were the only black people in the joint, and it did not go unnoticed. People stared at us; almost as if we had invaded their space. It really is something to be Nigerians and be the outsiders at an afrobeat event. Nevertheless, we stayed for a bit. A white band got up and played some Fela covers, and it was absolutely terrible. The pidgin vocals they tried to sing were a special brand of awful, but the white crowd was digging it and sang along. Obnoxious, drunk, loud white folks butchering Nigerian pidgin, and taking the lyrics out of context wasn’t my idea of a good time. A gathering of white people around a white band playing Fela’s music was a completely new experience. Overall, that night at Zebulon was one hot mess. My girlfriend joked, “Wouldn’t it be funny if afrobeat turned white? Imagine white afrobeat bands everywhere, afrobeat without black people. What would that be like?” We looked at each other and laughed.

What we laughed at in 2004 is the reality in 2013. Just about every afrobeat band in the US is white. There might be exceptions to the rule with some bands that are mixed, but by and large the afrobeat revival is the domain of white people. You’d be hard pressed to find an all black afrobeat band that isn’t from an African country. In a sense, that isn’t surprising. Revivals are mostly for people who either missed it the first time around, or for people who became acquainted with the music after its heyday. This isn’t a bad thing. The same holds true for soul and funk revival bands. I love Sharon Jones and the Dap Kings, and Charles Bradley, but their audiences are predominantly white, and I hypothesize it’s for the very same reason as the afrobeat revival; black audiences in general don’t do revivals, they look forward. Charles Bradley is awesome, but he isn’t reinventing the wheel with his music. If you listened to James Brown and Otis Redding, then most of this isn’t uncharted territory. Good music doesn’t have to chart new territory. Bradley in fact moonlighted as a James Brown impersonator known as ‘Black Velvet’. He still sometimes performs under that moniker.

So given that the afrobeat terrain in the US is largely white, it seemed odd last week when I read several headlines claiming that a Massachusetts-based afrobeat band called Shokazoba was banned from performing at a Halloween event at Hampshire College because they were too white. That’s a very sensationalistic headline, and that was how it was presented in the press. The story was all over social media, and white people were typing furiously in comment sections bemoaning ‘reverse racism’ and discrimination against whites. Those were the tame comments. A big chunk of the commentary was anti-black vitriol. People who react like this never miss an opportunity to pounce on blackness. If you want to galvanize a white mob, present a story about reverse racism. I can’t help but think about the infamous P.W. Botha quote, which he made while trying to maintain apartheid and white supremacy in South Africa. He said“this uprising will bring out the beast in us”, as if he was justified, and that he didn’t already act beastly. If you’re a Fela fan, then you will know which song uses that quote to attack Botha and his ilk. Charges of reverse racism stirs up the fear of an ‘uprising’ for many whites in America, and it will indeed bring out the beast in them. It certainly did when this story broke.

Even taking the story at face value, it just didn’t sound right. If one were to start banning afrobeat bands in the US from performing because they’re white, most US-based afrobeat bands wouldn’t be able to perform at all. Furthermore, a white afrobeat band called Zongo Junction performed at the very same event at Hampshire College last year without issues.

This reverse racism chatter started when Shokazoba took to their public Facebook page, claiming that 30 students complained that they were too white, and then said that they were promptly dropped because of anti-white racism. They then asked people to spread the word and protest on their behalf, and protest on their behalf they did. This created an online white mob (who always seem silent when anti-black racism rears its head – when they’re not promulgating it that is, but I digress) that did nothing but troll, harass, and hurl insults (many of them racist) at the students and faculty of Hampshire college. To make matters worse, the band made the media rounds, including going on FOX News to make this anti-white racism claim. They also tweeted Rachel Maddow about it, but she probably had better things to do than to assuage white tears. FOX news on the other hand doesn’t. Assuaging white tears is their bread and butter.


First of all, can we unpack the absurdity of an afrobeat band going to FOX news to amplify their story? That move speaks volumes, and it is not something I can respect. Even if this happened as they described, what self-respecting, dyed-in-the-wool supporter of Fela, the truth, justice, equity, proletariats, anti-racism, anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, anti-multinational corporations and anti-bullshit goes to FOX news for anything? Even if FOX news came to them, as an afrobeat outfit the proper response should have been “piss off”.

Afrobeat denounces white supremacy and what Fela dubbed “colonial mentality”. If you claim to wave the banner of afrobeat, then this is what you should be about. You can’t claim to be about that life, yet provide the fodder for organizations that cater to everything that is contrary to afrobeat. What kind of white privilege blinders must someone possess to not understand that using their bully pulpit to amplify a reverse racism story on FOX news is disastrous? Claiming anti-white racism to an organization that caters to white racism is beyond stupid, it is dangerous and very irresponsible. That is the dog-whistle that pricks up the ears of white racists all over the land.

Let me just say that if you believe reverse racism is an actual thing, then you don’t understand structural white supremacy, and you don’t really understand what Fela stood for as a man, and as a Pan-Africanist. You simply don’t get it. As I don’t suffer fools, I have neither the time nor the inclination to explain things of this nature. I have done this in the past, and ultimately, people will believe what they want to believe. The takeaway is this: white supremacy does not yield to thoughtful, intelligent discourse. I also don’t get paid to give out lectures on racial dynamics, and how contexts and public accusations of discrimination differ based on who and what the accusation is. A black person making a claim of racial discrimination would not galvanize a white support mob, nor would white people be harassed by said mob.

Somewhere buried in the tales of anti white racism is the chain of events that led to Shokazoba being told that they couldn’t perform. The fully fleshed out narrative from the harassed staff and students at Hampshire College of course did not have the traction of the ‘People are discriminating against whites! Protest this reverse racism white people!’ narrative and why would it? People that foam at the mouth at any perceived slight towards whiteness aren’t interested in nuance or investigating the truth. Below is the other side of the story.

In the various complaints against the decision to remove Shokazoba from the Hampshire Halloween lineup, it is clear that the detractors of this decision are unaware or uninterested in what actually led to it. Many people are only listening to the organizing efforts of aggrieved white people rather than the students of color that have, from the start, been personally harassed. For the rest of you, I'd like to provide my understanding of the context and backstory to this debate. In a thread on the Facebook event page for Hampshire Halloween, students of color were mocked, attacked, and sent extremely racist images. The notion that the band was simply deemed "too white" is a politically motivated farce.

Several popular misconceptions have already spread quickly through organized misinformation efforts. Firstly, while the conversation this controversy erupted in did open by drawing concerns around the appropriative nature of—with the exception of the lead singer—a group of all white and white-passing men playing 'afrofunk,’ this is not what actually led to the band's removal from the lineup. Contrary to popular belief, it was not their racial composition that lead to their removal, but the behavior which threatened the wellbeing and safety of Hampshire students. You can read the rest of what led up to Shokazoba being told they could not perform here.

There you have it. That reads a lot differently from what was put out in the press, and it makes far more sense.

Hopefully, this will become a teachable moment for Shokazoba. The fact that white nationalist websites picked up the story and sided with them should perhaps give them pause. They should reflect on it, and maybe let that marinate for a bit. Some people might say that the band did not intend for racist vitriol and harassment to be hurled towards the students and faculty of Hampshire College. To that I say so what? Intent doesn’t change a damn thing. If I stepped on your foot and accidently broke your big toe, does telling you that I didn’t intend to break your toe change the fact that your toe is broken? Who is responsible for the broken toe? Likewise, the chain of events wouldn’t have unfolded if the band hadn’t publicly put out an incendiary charge of anti-white racism without context and nuance. And then running like a scorned lover to tattle to FOX news? What is that?

Furthermore, it brings to light the discourse of how entitlement and white privilege destroys. It doesn’t seek understanding, it doesn’t seek nuance, and it doesn’t seek different perspectives. It only seeks acclimatization to its wants. It must get its way. You can’t tell someone with white privilege they can’t do something based entirely on their own behavior. They will lash out at you. This was on display here, and it goes to show that even in the progressive, anti-establishment spaces of afrobeat, insulting whiteness carries the most weight. How many articles have you seen addressing the anti-black racist storm that this created? This story has been centered on slighting whiteness. What would Fela think about that?

As for me, I’ll stick to afrobeat spaces where the mere mention of reverse racism won’t bring out an angry white mob. Omo Naija.

“Remember who we are” – DJ Zhao’s NGOMA Classic 2 - Afrobeat - Downloads - This Is Africa

“Remember who we are” – DJ Zhao’s NGOMA Classic 2 - Afrobeat - Downloads - This Is Africa

“Remember who we are” – DJ Zhao’s NGOMA Classic 2 - Afrobeat

by DJ Zhao
Ngoma Classic 2 - Afrobeat [660x300]
Since Fela’s voice is much cooler than mine, I have switched out my intro with his, and this mix originally made to promoteBlackBox number 1 has grown into a proper NGOMA release – with a few changes and much new goodness, including two wicked special edits – one of the Ethio classic by Mahmoud Ahmed (following a funktastic number by Berlin’s own Woima Collective), and another of a very unique cosmic disco track by the techno-head Lego Welt’s Afrocentric alter ego Nacho Patrol. Old version of this mix can still be heard here.


Again, no time for purism: music both classic and new is represented, African Jazz, Rock, Soul, Disco, with a few electronic remix treatments – within the loose parameters of the various related styles comprising the “Afrobeat” constellation, the primary concern here is the dance floor.

Tracklist
01 Fela Intro / Tony Allen – Push Your Mind (Break Beat Remix)
02 Kokolo – Late Night, Closed Eyes (White Mike Mix)
03 Umoja – Amou Baleke
04 Ogyatanaa Show Band – Disco Africa
05 Manu Dibango – Souk Fiesta
06 Ofege – Adieu
07 Oghene Kologbo – Na Yawa
08 Tony Allen – Get Together
09 Saravah – Soul Supersossego
10 Woima Collective – Marz
11 Mahmoud Ahmed – Bemen Sebeb Letlash (Ngoma Push Edit)
12 Soul Jazz Orchestra – Mugambi
13 Soul Jazz Orchestra – The Blind Leading the Blind
14 Ebo Taylor Jr. – Children Don’t Cry
15 Gabo Brown & Orchestre Poly Rythmo – It’s A Vanity
16 Antoine Dougbé & Orchestre Poly Rythmo – Ya Mi Ton
17 L. Barrabas – Tabou For The People (Sofrito Edit)
18 Candido – Jingo
19 Nacho Patrol – Africa Space Program (Ngoma Hardhouse Edit)
20 Jimi Tenor & Kabu Kabu – Global Party
21 Soul Ascendants – Tribute
22 Cesaria Evora – Nho Antone Escade
23 Manu Dibango – Ceddo End Title
24 Fela Outro / Tony Allen – Push Your Mind (Break Beat Remix)

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Visit DJ Zhao at Ngoma Sound for more awesome mixtapes.